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Softcover ISBN : Edition Number : 1. Skip to main content. Search SpringerLink Search. To that point, the book firmly challenges the concepts and historical assertions of human superiority over all other life forms Proposes an alternative to the systemic view that humanity purports to a collective behavioral response to natural selection at the species level that is in any way sustainable Engaging essays on conservation biology, environment and population studies, bio-culturalism, the history of science, ecological restoration, animal protection, various components of sustainability and public policy, international environmental law, and the vast realms of ecological aesthetics, philosophy, metaphysics and ethics.

Buying options eBook EUR Softcover Book EUR Hardcover Book EUR Learn about institutional subscriptions. Table of contents chapters Search within book Search. Page 1 Navigate to page number of 6. Front Matter Pages i-xxviii. Part I Front Matter Pages About this book This work is a large, powerfully illustrated interdisciplinary natural sciences volume, the first of its kind to examine the critically important nature of ecological paradox, through an abundance of lenses: the biological sciences, taxonomy, archaeology, geopolitical history, comparative ethics, literature, philosophy, the history of science, human geography, population ecology, epistemology, anthropology, demographics, and futurism.

The ecological paradox suggests that the human biological—and from an insular perspective, successful—struggle to exist has come at the price of isolating H. It is a paradox dating back thousands of years, implicating millennia of human machinations that have been utterly ruinous to biological baselines.

Those metrics are examined from numerous multidisciplinary approaches in this thoroughly original work, which aids readers, particularly natural history students, who aspire to grasp the far-reaching dimensions of the Anthropocene, as it affects every facet of human experience, past, present and future, and the rest of planetary sentience. With a Prologue by G. Prior to publication in book form, The Sunday Times planned to run serialised excerpts, but before doing so, the publishers sent a copy to Sir John Hunt for his comments and advice.

Sometimes they followed his advice; at other times they ignored it. W h y Qd the Attorney-General seek to employ the hith- erto untested action for breach of confidence rather than rely on the Official Secrets Act? O n the face of it, the actions of the literary executors, the editor of The Sunday Times and the publishers of the book, Jonathan Cape Ltd. Perhaps the authorities did not wish to expose a respected newspaper and publishers to the possibility of criminal penalties, since no issue of state security was involved.

The sequel to the case was the establishment of a Committee under Lord Radcliff, to investigate the whole problem of Ministerial Memoirs. In its report to Parliament in January , the committee mentioned two further re- straints on freedom of information. First, the law of copy- right, which renders actionable the unauthorised reproduc- tion of the whole or part of a document in which copyright exists.

Within the area of governmental activity, the copy- right in many papers is vested in the Crown. Secondly, all Cabinet Ministers as well as other catego- ries of officials are members of the Privy Council, the duty of which is to advise the Queen. Every Privy Councellor, on appointment, swears an obligation to protect official infor- mation entrusted to him.

Every ex-Minister, then, who wished to publish an account of his Ministerial career should take steps to show in advance to the Secretary of the Cabinet the full text of what he proposed to publish. The comments of the Cabinet Secre- tary, the Committee emphasised, would be advisory only, and would not have the force of law. Some guidelines were laid down for the information of all concerned. That time-limit was fixed by the Committee at 15 years.

In dealing with matters that occurred more than 15 years ago, the ex-Minister could, if he so wished, use his o w n taste and judgment. Within the yearperiod, however, the Committee felt that certain categories of subject-matter called for restric- tion.

First, the ex-Minister must not reveal anything which, at the time of the proposed publication, contravened the requirements of national security. They are binding in honour only, and co-exist uneasily with the criminal sanctions of the Official Secrets Act and the civil action to restrain breaches of confidence. Protection of Sources Traditionally, newspapers and increasingly television journalists as well rely on information from within the organisation under scrutiny.

Journalists have claimed the right not to be compelled, even in a court of law, to disclose the identity of their informants. Otherwise, of course, their sources would dry up. Nowadays, scarcely a year goes by without some considerable news item being unearthed thanks to disclosures made by such informants. The main provision governing this problem is now Section 10 of the Contempt of Court Act Guardian Newspa- pers. The Guardian was anonymously gwen photocopies of two documents which had originated in the Ministry of Defence and which were intended for extremely limited circulation within government circles.

Theeditor of the Guardian quoted extensively from the less sensitive document. The Secretary of State for Defence then commencedproceedings against the paper for the return of the photocopies. It would be evident from the markings in the margin in precisely which government department the photocopy had been made. The Guardian lost in all three courts in which the case was heard.

A s a result of the return of the photocopies, the circle of suspects was considerably reduced. Access to Information When surveying the access of the media to governmental information, the Official Secrets legislation presents only part of the problem. The reform envisaged by the Franks Committee was clearly inspired by the freedom of informa- tion laws that exist in the United States and Sweden.

Briefly, it provides that federal government records must be made public, subject to nine exceptions. The Freedom of Information Act has been the basis of many law suits, since the courts enforce the rights that it creates and rule on whether a document has been correctly classified for the purposes of the Act. Indeed, instances have been documented where British journalists have used the Freedom of Information Act to find out information on some point of public interest with a transatlantic connection that was otherwise unavailable in the United Kingdom.

The Swedish open government scheme is of far longer standmg, having been established in under the Freedom of the Press Act. There is no equivalent legislation in the United King- dom, though there have been attempts to introduce a regime of access to specified types of government files. Such at- tempts have come to nought. In the foreseeable future, the prospects for reform of the Official Secrets Act are much better than those for a Freedom of Information regime. When one considers the quantity and quality of informa- tion that emerges or, rather, does not emerge from central Government in the United Kingdom, the situation must be explained in both legalandnon-legal, institutional terms.

A s w e have seen, Section 2 of the Official Secrets Act 19 11 is a barrier to the flow of information. Indeed, those bound by the Act are required to undergo the rather ritualistic signing of the text of the Act.

But quite apart from legal constraints, civilservantsarenotby natureandtraining themost talkative of individuals. Briefing is the handing out of information with the approval of theauthorities, lealung is theopposite. Former Prime Minister, Mr. Lobby correspondents are British journalists who cover parliamentary activities.

Some cover the activities of a particular government department; others, for example, will attend Prime Ministerial briefings. There is a complex system of unwritten rules and understandings governing the flow of information.

The most important point, though, is that access to the lobby exists only on sufferance. No one has a legal right to attend, and briefings may be suspended if a journalist goes too far in his reporting. So much for information of contemporary relevance. As regards files of historical interest, there is legislation in the form of the Public Records Acts and , which provides for them to be made available to the public. The lapse of time deemed necessary was set at 50 years by the Act, and was reduced to 30 years in The terms of the legislation merely provided facilities for such records to be available to public view: no member of the public has an enforceable right to see documents which are at least 30 years old.

Indeed, if it is considered that they deal with issues that are still sensitive, documents may be withheld for longer than the normal year period. The decision to withhold files is ostensibly taken by the Lord Chancellor. In reality, it is said, it is the government department concerned which decides. There may be times when alitigant in a given action may need certain documents to be produced or certain testimony to be given before the court.

The government may object to such testimony being given in the interests of national security or public policy. A n example will perhaps make this clearer. A n action was brought by the dependents of the seamen against the builders of the submarine, claiming that there were construction faults.

In the course of the action, the depend- ents sought the production of certain design plans. The courts accepted this plea. Clearly, the country was at war, and the evidence related to the structure of armaments. Regard- less of the merits of that particular plea, however, the courts expressed the rule in terms which suggested that a court should rarely, if ever, look behind the plea to ascertain whether,inreality, thedisclosure ofthe evidencewouldhave harmful repercussions on national security or public policy.

Fortunately, over the last 15 years, the courts have not so readily accepted such a plea. They have required something more of the Minister than the simple assertion that the national interest would be harmed by disclosure in open court. The Position of Television and Radio Having examined the general law of the land, equally appli- cable to the community at large as well as to the meha, it is now time to consider the special position occupied by radio and television.

Legislation allows broadcasting only under a licence from the H o m e Secretary, the responsible Government Minister. In that year came commercial broadcasting: the Inde- pendent Television Authority, renamed the independent Broadcasting Authority or IBA in , was licensed to operate a commercial television channel through the me- dium of independent companies. The BBC, which has two television channels, is directed by its charter to inform, educate and entertain. There is a board of governors, which has overall constitutional author- ity for the Corporation.

The BBC is forbidden by the terms of its licence to raise revenue by advertising, although a change is now under consideration. Its revenue is derived overwhelmingly from the licence fee, which is fixed by the H o m e Secretary.

Control over the level of the fee and revocation of the charter are probably far too blunt to use as instruments of possible censorship. There was a threat to invoke this power in , when the BBC proposed broadcasting a programme, entitled The Question of Ulster, about the Northern Ireland problem. Lord Hill, the Chairman of the BBC, resisted pressure from the H o m e Secretary to cancel the broadcast; if a direction were given under Clause 13 4 , he would make the veto public knowledge.

The programme went ahead as sched- uled. As regards commercial television, the legislation envis- ages that the IBA will choose companies that will provide programmes under conlract and which, in turn, will derive revenue from advertising.

The Authority consists of members appointed by the H o m e Secretary. Again, members of the Authority are answerable for Independent Television, just as the governors arerespon- sible for the BBC. In some respects, the legal obligations imposed on the BBC and IBA are different from those that apply to the rest of the media.

There are obligations imposed by their con- stituentdocumentson theBBC andIBA,amongother things, not to publish anything indecent. In one famous case, a private individual sought a court order against the IBA to prevent the screening of a documentary about Andy Warhol. Preview of the pro- gramme suggested that it would be indecent or offensive. The Court of Appeal granted an interim order until such time as members of the Authority had themselves seen the film in order to judge for themselves.

After viewing the programme, 14members of the Authority were unanimously in favour of showing it, and the order was then lifted. They are the censors. First, the British courts are indeedreluctant to substitute their own opinions for those of Government Ministers on what sorts of disclosure may or may not harm national security.

In the Protection of Official Information Bill , for example, the Government took the precaution of ex- pressly stating that ministerial cerhficates on such an issue must be treated as conclusive by the courts. This may not even have been necessary, for trial judges inevitably feel powerless to check on the validity of such claims by the Government. Courts haveonly limited meansof access to the necessary information. B y training and position, judges feel ill-equipped to sift through and assess the evidence.

More- over, in this more than most areas, the stakes are high: the consequences of erring too generously in favour of the freedom of the media may be serious indeed. There havebeen some signs, however, of judges treating government claims of public interest with greater scepti- cism. It is unlikely, though, that in the foreseeable future, the British courts would take the stand that the United States Supreme Court adopted in the famous Pentagon papers case: it opted in favour of freedom to publish, in the face of a claim to prior restraint.

Second, as much emphasis is placed on a sense of public responsibility in the media as on purely legal powers to constrain. W e have seen that Section 2 of the Official Secrets Act is all-embracing in scope. The width of the one provision, and the gaps in the other system, certainlygivecauseforconcem. Yet,inthefinalanalysis,the system seems to work, not because the ground rules are clearly and narrowly drawn in some legal document but because what is expected of each side - government and media - is generally understood by the other.

In this respect, the narrow area w e have been examining resembles the unwritten and customary nature of the British Constitution itself. Franck, T. Oxford University Press, Michael, J. Penguin Books, Har- mondsworth: Munro, C. Saxon House, Farnborough: Ponting, C.. Sphere Books, London: Williams, D. Hutchinson, London: Young, H. Jonathan Cape, London: Attorney-General ex rel.

McWhirter v. Director of Public Prosecutions [] Appeal Duncan v. Cammell Laird Ltd. New York Times Co. Bench Reports Cases Reports It is in this area that the Press Council of Norway plays a unique role in that it often acts as a buffer between the press and society, and at times, is even used as a scapegoat. In the free press tradition, the concept of professional integrity is of great importance and has gradually become a part of the press ethic, a concomitant, as it were, of the social responsibility of journalists.

The Press Council is a way of institutionalising this integrity; it is a super-ego for individ- ual journalists and indeed, for many. However, professional integrity is exercised voluntar- ily. Self-censorship is the product of fear - a fear of trouble or reprisals. It goes without saying that professional integrity in this sense is far more compatible with the notions of a free press than is self-censorship. It shouldbeadded however that it is not always easy to tell where one ends and the other begins.

How the Media Operate The press and the broadcasting stations in Norway operate roughly according to the classical liberal model, albeit with a few anomalies. One of them is the rather extensive system of state subsidies to newspapers, which was first introduced in andlaterextended. Although the amountof subsidies has been reduced during the last five years, it is still consid- erable. The most noteworthy feature of the Norwegian subsidy system is that, like its Swedish counterpart, it is selective.

In other words, it is given primarily to newspapers in non- leading market positions. The purpose, of course, is to counteract the effects of market forces, especially the accu- mulation of advertising income in the market-leading pa- pers. At first glance this type of system would seem to constitute a major departure from orthodox liberal thinking. A n unregulated market. The thorny ideological problem that could easily arise from the production grant has been countered by the prin- ciple of non-intervention.

The subsidy is unconditional and the press has gone to great lengths to ensure that it will not be influenced editorially by money from the State. Moreover, it hasconsistently criticizedany politician who has even hinted that grants should be related to the fulfillment of certain condtions. It is commonly acknowledged that the introduction of this extensive subsidy system would hardly have been ac- ceptableto theNorwegianParliament, thestorring, haditnot been for the close connection between the newspapers and the political parties.

The politicians, in other words, had pragmatic reasons for coming to the aid of the press. In the s, the ties between the press and the parties gradually loosened, in part as a result of a growing profes- sionalism in the press. The only group still to have direct links with a political party is the Social Democrat press, owned jointly by the party and the labour movement.

No doubt the cuts in subsidies reflect to a certain extent this growing independence of the press. Another reason is that the conservatives are opposed on ideological grounds to subsidies and have made their oppo- sition felt when in power elected in 1 and again in The Broadcasting Monopoly Another significant anomaly in the mass-media scene in Norway is the state-owned broadcasting monopoly, the Norsk rikskringkasting NRK.

It is true that broadcasting monopolies exist in quite a few countries with the same liberal tradition as Norway, but in most of them, the monop- oly was modified or abolished long before this became a serious political issue in Norway. It is worth noting that until the early s, there was only one national radio station and that today there is still only one national television channel. In , the Conservative Government waived the Broadcasting Act to launch an experimental scheme of 17privately owned local radio and television stations.

A few cable companies were also licensed to diffuse foreign broad- casts by satellite. Although the broadcasting monopoly dates back to the s, it too is based on the liberal doclrine that governs the press. The general consensus is that the Government must not interfere either in policy-making or in the programming of the NRK. The Broadcasting Act does not lay down policy guidelines, and it was only recently that a complaints com- mission, albeit with a rather limited scope, was established.

The programming code of the NRK is based on such principles as diversity, impartiality and balance. The code was drawn up in as an indirect result of strong criticism. The critics included a number of politicians who concen- trated mainly on the television channel, which was accused of aggressiveness, left-leaning partisanship and downright government-by- television.

In other words, the code can be seen as the result of a pragmatic preventive actionin thefaceofwhatthecompany judgedtobeapolitical threat. In that respect, the code is a classic example of censorship at the symbolic level. It is difficult to tell whether the introduction of a written code has led to more careful programming practices.

A n example is the statement made by the director-general in , following the controversial leak of proceedings at a closed session of the Storting, to the effect that the NRK would never broadcast information that the S torting had decided to keep secret. Criticism of alleged political partisanship has increased noticeably under the Conservative Government.

O n several occasions, conservative politicians, including the prime minister, have accused the NRK of left-wing sympathies. TheGovernment is officially committed to non-intervention, even though this is not always easy. Indeed, the experiment with local broadcasting has provoked government behaviour that would have been unheard of before. In a number of instances of questionable ethics, the Ministry of Culture and Science openly reprimanded certain radio stations.

Obvi- ously, the minister was trying to develop a stronger sense of self-restraint among broadcasters on these stations, who are often amateurs. In , one religious station even had its licence sus- pended for a month because it had broadcast offensive characterisations of homosexuals. It is true that, given the special terms of the experimental period, the ministry had a legal basis for its disciplinary action, but quite a few critics questioned the wisdom of this action, pointing to the unlike- lihood of the State suspending the publication of a newspaper for having broken the law.

Press Freedom and Libel Law The Norwegian constitution of established formal freedom of expression and freedom to print, forbiddmg prior censorship of printed matter. This provision is understood to cover radio and television as well, even though the constitu- tion has not been amended. This is not the case of the cinema, however, so film censorship still exists.

In the clauses on printed matter, the press is not men- tioned explicitly, but comes under the general protection of the law. Indeed, press freedom is characterised by the fact that there are few explicitly specified privileges but, on balance, legal restrictions are just as few.

There are, how- ever, certain provisions in the penal code that can create occasional problems for the press, and which can generate a certain amount of self-censorship. A few examples are given below. Although there is no significant increase in the number of lawsuits, there is agrowinguneasiness in the press over the development of libel law.

Both phrases were strongly criti- cised by the press for allegedly infringing upon press free- dom. It should be noted that there is no strong doctrine of public persons in Norwegian libel law. Firms, like individu- als, can take libel action, which means that if a newspaper loses a lawsuit, it can be quite costly. It is true that the level of damages is very low in Norway compared with other countries, but there have been a few signs recently that costs are rising.

In one well-known lawsuit in , the manufac- turer of offshore oil rigs was awarded half a million kroner in damages. An appeal to the Supreme Court has been filed. The number of libel cases is likely to rise. One obvious reason is the growing trend for the press to cover the early stages of criminal cases,which leaves papers open to the risk of naming suspects prematurely. The amount of investiga- tive journalism as such has not increased much in the Norwegian press, but there have been a few exposh of alleged industrial scandals that were followed by libel ac- tions.

Until now, there is no reason to believe that the threat of libel suits has given rise to much self-censorship in the press. However, newspaper editors and publishers seem more preoccupied than before with the problem. National Security and Self-restraint The field of national security also throws light on the rela- tionship between the press and society.

True, there are not 18many legal battles in this area, but the principles involved may be especially pertinent to the question of self-censor- ship. In , the two researchers published a report containing descriptions and illustrations of several Norwegian military establishments for electronic surveillance and intelligence.

They had not been convicted of espionage. Press reactions were mixed, but the Norwegian Press Association, Norsk Presseforbund, reacted strongly to one particular aspect of the sentence. The court had in fact judged it illegal to piece together and publish information that had been gathered from open sources. Neither Gleditsch nor Wilkes had worked clandestinely. In the opinion of many press men, the application of such a principle would in fact outlaw perfectly normal methods used by journalists in their everyday work.

Press protests were to no avail, the courts were unim- pressed, and the principle of the illegal publication of mate- rial gathered legally was applied a second time, in The court again stressed that this was not a case of espionage; nevertheless, members of the editorial staff were sentenced to prison terms of up to nine months.

That is no coincidence. The estab- lishednewsmediain factveryrarelypublisharticles that deal with sensitive national security material. It is not clear whether this is a symptom of widespread self-censorship or rather a reflection of an equally broad consensus on foreign policy, including the requirements of national security.

The NRK, for one, is generally careful when it comes to politi- cally controversial matters, and the policy of most newspa- pers seems to be to play it safe in this particular area. A n earlier incident may illuminate their attitude. The Storting had apparently not been informed nor had it given its consent. The report created quite a stir, and a commission was appointed to investigate whether theGovemment hadindeed neglected to inform the parliament. When the committee report was completed, large por- tions were kept secret, and the Storting held a debate in The verdict was later overturned by the Supreme Court on the grounds that the information was not secret.

However, two members of a small socialist party broke their parliamentary pledge and made some of the confidential material public. Simultane- ously, a small publishing house published the entire report, thanks to an unidentified leak. The report, incidentally, found no grave fault with the Government.

The behaviour of the press was remarkable. Only one major paper in Oslo and about ten smaller ones actually published excerprs from thereport, whereas the overwhelm- ing majority of the press, as well as theNRK, remained silent. Neither that reason nor the threat of legal action can be considered a respectable professional motive for the fourth estate.

There was no reason to believe that publishing the secret material would violate the law on national security. Lastly, in quite a few cases, the reason for not publishing excerpts from the report seems to have been merely the desire to steer the paper clear of a sensitive Whatever the motives, the LORAN C case constitutes a textbook example of collective self-censorship.

It is m e that a change of attitude does not necessarily imply a change in practice. A good example is the revision of the code of press ethics in Bear in mind that it may often be difficult for a non-expert to assess the damage that may be caused by such information; it may seem harmless, yet still be of great importance to the intelligence service of another nation.

When in doubt, make sure you ask the responsible authorities for their opinion. It was, moreover, considered to be too timid. The final result was that no mention at all of national security was made in the code. Another sign of the growing independence of the press is an attempt to establish a new legal privilege, whereby editorialoffices would beallowednot only toreceivebut also to scrutinize sensitive material so as todecide whether or not to publish it. The prospects for obtaining such a privilege seem very slight indeed.

Public criticism of the press is a normal and necessary ingredient of therelationship between the press and society. The criticism may simply be evidence that the press is playing an active role, and as a result offends a certain number of sensibilities.

There has always been lively criticism of the press in Norway, but it seems to have intensified during the past decade. There is, of course, a certain amount of criticism from the public at large, but it is sporadic and often ambigu- ous.

Several polls reveal a fairly widespread lack of confi- dence in the media, especially in the printed press, but this dissatisfaction does not seem to affect newspaper circula- tion. More consistent and to the point, and therefore more important, is the criticism emanating from representatives of the legal professions. Indeed there is a long history of conflict between the representatives of the law and journalists.

It so happens that one of the most frequent reasons for criticism is crime reporting. A controversial issue is whether and when the press may identify suspects, their victims and others concerned by a crime.

The Norwegian press has traditionally shown great restraint in such matters, but recently there have been signs of their departing from this policy, due no doubt to increased compdition in the media market. Questionable ethical standards in crime reporting is only one aspect of a general tendency on the part of the press towards an invasion of privacy. The Press Council has been trying to stem the tide of change in this area, but with few demonstrable effects.

It appears to be fighting a losing battle against market forces. W e k n o w littleabout theeffects, ifany. Very often, the press reaction is arrogant and this may stem in part from their feeling very much alone in defending press freedom, with little support from the public or from profes- sional groups such as lawyers and politicians.

However this prickly behaviour may also be a sign of growing profession- alism. The Role of the Press Council It may very well be that the Press Council receives far more attention than it actually deserves in the public debate on press ethics.

It may be claimed that other factors, such as the financial situation of the press and the education and profes- sional training of journalists, are just as relevant to the debate. Nevertheless public opinion in Norway assigns a central role to the Press Council in maintaining press stan- dards. Public debate clearly indicates that many critics regard the Press Council as an instrument for self-censorship in the press.

Its main task, they apparently feel, is to discipline the press, thereby acting as an informal adjunct to thelaw courts. It is also presumed that the state will have to step in if the Press Council proves incapable of bringing about the neces- sary changes.

Representatives of the press claim that they do pay attention to its injunctions, but critics remain sceptical. Moreover the patent discrepancy between the expectations of a strong disciplinary force and the lack of substantiatedeffects givesrise to anumber of suggestionsfor reform. As a complaints committee, the NorwegianPress Coun- cil dates back to , when it replaced an earlier committee for internal arbitration.

But it was not until that the Council became a fully-fledged complaints body, with the principal characteristics of a modem press council. One new feature was the introduction of lay members, two out of a total of seven. It was suggested that one of them be a legal expert but, not surprisingly, this proposal was rejected by the press organisations. No sanctions were introduced in , but it became the duty of newspapers and magazines to publish any decisions of the Council that concerned them.

For all practical purposes, the council remained a court of complaints. It gained theright to initiate cases, but this has remained amere formality, for thecouncil has foundit nearly impossible to act simultaneously as prosecutor and judge. Although the reform was substantial, it did not succeed in quieting criticism either of the Press Council, or of the press itself.

O n the contrary, criticism gradually grew more vociferous. Three themes dominated the public debate on the Press Council during the decade following the reform. First, many critics questioned the principle of self- restraint, claiming that conflicts of interest would inevitably disqualify professionals from passing judgement on their colleagues.

Second, some quarters considered the Press Council far too passive, as it allowed even the most obvious deterioration of ethical standards. One suggestion was to appoint a press ombudsman to redress the situation. Third, most critics doubted whether the decisions of the Council were having any effect on editorial boards.

A number of people felt that sanctions, such as fines or even exclusion from the profession, would be necessary if the Council were to have any real influence. The next reform committee. The number of lay members should, it felt, be increased to four, out of nine. The committee also admitted that the Council lacked initiative but, primarily for financial reasons. It rejected the idea of an ombudsman along the lines of the Swedish model and proposed instead that the General Secretary of the Press Association be allowed to act as a substitute plaintiff.

One frequent suggestion - fines forpapers that had been censured by the Press Council - was rejected outright by the reform committee. It claimed that a system of fines would be alien to the system of self-restraint, and therefore unacceptable on principle. The proposals of the reform committee, although modest in scope, were very coolly received both by the press and by many critics. During the Press Association hearings, 20they were so extensively modified that in the final decision, they were reduced to next to nothing.

The composition of the Council remained unchanged. The General Secretary of the Press Association did not obtain the right to initiate complaints, because of obvious risks of a conflict of loyalties. However, each member of the Council was given the right to initiate complaints in the same way as the Council as a whole had been allowed to do in the preceding years, even if it had not made use of this right.

The change, of course, was purely symbolic. The final version of the reform came into effect in A s one critic put it, it was a case of a mountain giving birth to a mouse. This came as a surprise, considering how sharp criticism had been and how concerned the press had seemed to be.

It was especially surprising when compared with the refom, which had in fact given new life to the Press Council. W h y was the second reform torpedoed? Growing Professionalism in the Press At first glance, the ineffectiveness of the reform seemed to be yet another manifestation of press arrogance in the face of criticism. However, such an explanation does not offer any reason as to why the press should behave in such a manner.

One possible answer lies in the growingprofession- alism and pragmatism of the press. This process of profes- sionalisation in Norwegian journalism is at once the result of a natural development and part of a concerted effort on the part of journalists and editors. Their goal has been to enhance the autonomy ofjournal- ists vis-d-vis their sources as well as with regard to media owners.

The professionalisation can be explained in part as arejection of thelong-standing ties between thepress and the political parties, as well as a reaction against the growing threat of commercialisation, brought on by increasedcompe- tition. As far as this last aspect is concerned. The owner, on the other hand, has the right to lay down general policy lines. In other words, editors and journalists have a common interest in conquering some of the territory which used to belong to the owner.

Until now, their role has been limited to the right to present a statement assessing the candidates for the post of editor. What Constitutes Self-Restraint Professionalisation often tends to persuade journalists and editors of their importance to society, which can lead to a sense of their own self-importance.

It also leads to a highly developed sense of professional solidarity, with a concomi- tant determination to defend the profession from outside pressure. Indeed, nothing unites like a common enemy. A sense of professional ethics also enhances solidarity.

It is the sign of a truly professional journalist, which sets him apart from amateurs. Journalists often use it as a criterion to judge the performance of others and, if necessary, to fend off outsiders who claim to have mastered the same field. In Norway, journalists can be quite patronising towards the amateurs working in local radio stations, criticizing them for their rather shaky sense of ethics.

The official press view is that the main task of the Press Council is to safeguard the freedom of the press. Both the press and critics agree that an effective council might obviate the need for new official measures. At any event, the press clearly does not want a press council strong enough to be able to force a journalist or a newspaper into compliance.

Professionals feel that disci- pline depends upon their own sense of ethics and not upon an outside body. The real question then is to what degree the Press Council will have to demonstrate its effectiveness in order to earn acceptance from critics,without significantly infringing upon press freedom.

It regularly refuses to consider com- plaints about the news in a paper or magazine, whether it concerns the choice of a particular story or the priority and presentation it is given. Decisions on this level are consid- ered to be the exclusive domain of the editorial staff, and therefore beyond the jurisdiction of the Press Council. This, then, is a brief r6sumC of the debate that greeted the proposals for reform in The discussions dld not prove beyond a doubt that the widespread resistance to reform was 21a symptom of the growing professional awareness of jour- nalists and editors.

It is worth noting, however, that both groups were significantly less sympathetic to reforms than were representatives of the newspaper owners. A Sensitive Political Issue In addition to hostile press attitudes, there are pragmatic reasons why a substantial reform of the Press Council met with resistance. In acountry with a strong free press tradition, state interference can only be very limited. Any question of restricting the freedom of the press immediately becomes a politically delicate issue.

What is more, politicians and the press dependupon one another; the press relies on politicians both as legislators and as sources of information, while politicians depend upon the press to publicize their doings. Although a number of Norwegian politicians have criti- cised one paper or another as well as the press in general, it is obvious that most of them hesitate to initiate new, restric- tive legislation. This may be due less to their reverence for press freedom than to their own built-in ambivalence to- wards the press.

However, politicians operate under conflicting pres- sures. The minimal reform of theFVess Council in came as a disappointment to both politicians and critics of the press. It fell so far short of what had been expected when the reform committee was set up that it did not really ease the pressure on politicians to legislate. The Government appointed an expert on criminal law ostensibly to survey the various laws andregulations govern- ing therelationshipbetween the presson theone handand the police, the prosecution and the courts on the other.

Theexpert was appointed before the parliamentary elections of , but his task was not made public until later that year when it became clear that it was no longer merely a question of surveying existing laws and regulations. The expert was to assess whether the content of the legislation, as well as its enforcement, were satisfactory.

The enquiry may conse- quently have to dig rather deep into questions concerning the freedom of the press. It is an interesting coincidence that a press committee is also investigating some of the very same questions. It was appointedin to revise the codes of ethics, including one that regulates the relationship between the press and the judicial system.

Rather, it was the result of a growing dissatisfaction with the codes operative within the press and the Press Council. The most pressing problem was the discrepancy between the codes and the actual practice of the press as regards identify- ing persons involved in a crime. This problem also has a bearing on the credibility of thehess Council, because some members apparently ignore its advice.

Obviously, the non-reform of did nothing to smooth relations between the press and society. O n the contrary, it may have renewed indignation and put mounting pressure on legislators to provide better protection of pri- vacy. In other words, by refusing a significant reform, the press may have steered itself onto a collision course with influential sectors of society. No legislation can be expected in the near future, how- ever. Moreover, given the Norwe- gian tradition of press freedom, and of cordial relations between the press andpoliticians, thereis no reason toexpect dramatic action from the Government.

Legislation will no doubt be slow in coming, and it will certainly err on the side of moderation. Meanwhile, the press could conceivably adjust its ethical standards and reform the Press Council. Both pros- pects, however, seem equally improbable.

In the first place, the media or the media institution may present to the public criticisms articulatedby an individual or by an institution. In this case the initiative lies with the original source of information; the individual or the institu- tion which has undertaken the necessary research and chosen or been provoked to make the case.

The media are of course here a prerequisite to success, for they must organise and structure the information, making it both readable and credible. Nevertheless the media role is somewhat passive in this process. A m e h a institution will frequently accept this division of labour quite willingly and with its eyes open. It will be satisfied that the material is reliable and that the information supplied is valid and that there is every reason to publish it.

Although this may appear to be passive journalism which is ultimately source- dependent, it should not be underestimated. It could more- over be argued that the cost of researching and processing information for media purposes might justify much media content, and even much critical mediacontent, originating in this way. The second way for the media to act as a watchdog is for them to set about exposing abuse of power or any other kind of malpractice on their own initiative.

The media - or to be specific - the journalist starts out with the problem, or rather with a hypothesis about what the problem is. In this case, the journalist is guided, not by a single or a few sources, but by a research plan designed to substantiate the initial assump- tions or to upset them.

Investigative reporting in this sense is characterized by a relatively large number of sources, the large amount of information collected and the careful analy- sis of that information. While the collection of information takes a horizontal course - tracing and tapping sources - the processing of that information runs vertically, as the journalist reaches for hitherto unrecognized connections and correlations.

During the research and recount process, information is analysed across the borderlines of accounts given by individual sources in order to evaluate its correctness and situate it in context. This study will concentrate on investigative journalism from the point of view of the journalist rather than from that of the media manager or the reader. It is the commitment to an idea, a goal, to findmg the facts that will solve a problem or explain its causes, that dnves the inves- tigative reporter.

The investigative reporter is in search of explanations and answers, frequently indignant at what the investigation uncovers. Whereas the day-to-day journalist finds day-to- day rewards, those of the investigative journalist are uncer- tain and delayed. The reporter-investigator must be able to dispense with the dady news routine and the satisfaction of seeing his or her work in print every day. Many reporters are simply not interested in working on the same story for days or weeks on end and prefer to cover stories that are immedi- ately apparent in their specialized field.

Theinvestigativereporter with patience, persistence and an inquiring mind, sometimes comes to be perceived as a burden by colleagues, by the family, and not least by him or herself. The investigative journalist may work longer hours without compensation, and indeed sometimes works around the clock, constantly preoc- cupied with the project, and such commitment may trouble friendships and family relationships.

What is it then that drives the investigative journalist? It is not usually money, love or honour. In some cases, themotivation mayevenbenegative,in thatyearsina special field or the routine of worlung a regular beat have become boring. However, the motivations for engaging in investiga- tive journalism are usually positive and are among the 1 Independence.

The highly professionalised work process frees the journalist from dependence on a single source. H e controls the work process. The reporter is pleased to be held accountable for every detail. The journalist does not leave the project, until everything has been uncovered, researchedand presented to h e readers, and there is nothing more to add. The reporter is not tied to a special field, but in principle chooses a project of interest and concentrates upon it to the exclusion of everything else.

Working on the idea is exciting - that special kind of excitement that stems from going behind the scenes, finding out what only a few people know about and do not necessarily wish to see published. This covers everything from the feeling that what the journalist has written is read and appreciated, to a real influence in public matters. Investigative or in-depth reporting is most often done by all-round reporters.

The conhtions which favour the all-round reporter also require the ability to skate on thin ice, to move fast in order to keep up with events and to absorb and digest information quickly in order to respond to the sources and the people providing the information. For all these reasons, investigative reporting is not a lifelong trade. After a few years the costs seem to outweigh the rewards, and reporters move on to something else.

The case of the missile mishap concerns a missile that was launched by mistake from a Danish warship. It exploded in an area popular with holiday-makers in Zealand and caused considerable damage to property. Although the story was of national interest, it was investigated most thoroughly by two reporters from a local newspaper. This is unusual. Investigative reporting about subjects of national interest is generally done by national media. Over aperiodof two years, the two reporters wrote between and articles about the incident.

Their treatment of the case may be considered as an example of exposure-journalism. The following account of the incident is based mainly on information provided by the reporters and on the material they published. Luckily the season was over, there were few people in the area, and nobody was hurt.

However, the damage was considerable: summer cottages were affected, and compensation of 2,8 million Danish Kroner was paid. The launching, which was of c o m e unintentional, caused consternation and dismay among the Danish public and the authorities.

H o w did it happen? Could it happen again? What precautions could be taken to prevent the unintentional launching of missiles - the consequences of which might be far more serious, especially if they were to land on other ships or in densely populated areas? From the first reports, it seemed that the launching had taken place during the testing of a missile and that it was the result of a technical failure.

A few days later, however, a group of experts from the Navy concluded that human error was involved. A letter to the editor of the daily paper B. Had it been a technical failure, the mishap could have had very serious consequences not just for our own preparedness but also for that of other countries, namely all others possessing Harpoon missiles.

O n Oct. The hearings took place mainly behind closed doors for reasons of national security. W h e n the report was finished, however, the Minister of Defence decided to publish it in June In the report, the Commission placed the burden of responsibility for the mishap on Commander Henning G. The commission found that Olsen had not followed the prescribed operating instructions and that the way in which he had operated the system had been superficial and inadequate.

Among other things. Olsen had not noticed that a switch was in the wrong position and that a wrong lamp was lit on the control board. Furthermore, he had pressed the keys for 24target data that were inapplicable for the missile he was testing. The surprising result was that another missile - on the other side of the ship - was launched. However, the Commission found that there were ex- tenuating circumstances.

Firstly, the manuals for the use of the missile system put out by the American Harpoon manu- facturer McDonnell Douglas could have created a false sense of security with regard to the system and this in turn may have made him less alert. Secondly, the manuals were slightly ambiguous with regard to the work Olsen was doing, namely checking arepaired relay.

The Commission stated that there had been considerable confidence amongst those working with theHarpoon system that if basic safety precautions were adhered to. What may have created a sense of security was the fact that according to the manual a lock key was required before any launchings at all could take place. Olsen was deeply shaken when he learned of the report of the Commission. H e himself felt that he should not be held responsible for the launch.

But at the same time I did adhere strictly to safety precautions, which gave m e a false sense of security. During the court hearings, representatives of McDon- ne11 Douglas explained that the system was per cent safe only if the ignition cables were removed or if the procedures provided by the manufacturer were followed.

The safety precautions adhered to by Olsen were intended to increase the level of safety. The items in the manual that were understood as absolute safety precautions were based on the assumption that the procedures were strictly followed. In this particular case, the launching was due to the triggering of a power circuit that resulted from a procedural error.

This activated a missile on the other side of the ship. There was also a growing feeling that Olsen was not to blame, and that McDonnell Douglas was getting away scot free. In December In accordance with the military penal code he was charged with having operated the system in a superficial, inadequate and in part reckless way with the result that a missile was launched and exploded in Lumsaas.

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For web seminars UPnP, disconnected the it easy to get the latest to be identified send your comments. This should save one way in free of charge. Do you recommend. They may be documents seem an RPi following scratch. Read the following registration number, brand your applications, documents, the here or work around it '' Hint: You.

An Anaconda making a pitstop before beginning it's long journey. The Anaconda is a massive ship that can perform just about any role in the game. It makes for an amazing exploration ship that can be refitted for PvE combat, mining, or trading. This is absolutely one of the best and most versatile ships available. With a purchase this large you will end up saving yourself millions of credits. An Asp Exploerer stopping by a star for a quick refuel before jumping off to the next system.

The Asp Explorer is also named after its primary function, and wow does it live up to its name. In my opinion this is the best exploration ship hands down. This is the best ship to purchase, outfit, and engineer if you really want to experience the beauty of the galaxy. The engineers necessary to make this ship shine are also all available early so you can enjoy the full potential of this ship a lot sooner than you might think.

Skip to main content. Level up. Earn rewards. Your XP: 0. Updated: 06 Feb pm. BY: Bryan Richard. Learn about the best ships for exploration in Elite Dangerous. Diamondback Explorer A Diamondback drifting through an asteroid belt looking for a good view Like its name suggests, this small entry level ship specializes in exploration.

Krait Phantom A Krait Phantom drifting through the balck on the way to its next destination. You may soon find your wing mates begging you for repairs and fuel! Watching your weapons blasting away on either side of you is very satisfying. Especially compared to other explorer options, the Krait Phantom can certainly hold its own against NPC threats. Being interdicted on your way back into the bubble no longer means certain death, at least for you!

You can finally travel confidently and keep your precious exploration data safe. Orca An Orca gazing at the Milky Way through an icy ring The Orca is a stylish ship which excels at a combination of exploration and passenger missions. Though it may not be the perfect dedicated exploration ship, its long jump range and luxury cabin space make it the best ship for its role.

Luxury passenger missions go hand in hand with exploration. Mission objectives will take you to lore heavy systems in the bubble as well as some of the most stunning places across the galaxy. Additionally your destinations will often include one or more Earth-like worlds for you to map.

Anaconda An Anaconda making a pitstop before beginning it's long journey The Anaconda is a massive ship that can perform just about any role in the game. It will require an enormous amount of engineering and large bank breaking modules to realize peak performance. At the end of the day though, it is nothing short of astounding. It has the longest potential jump range available in the galaxy.

If you want to get to Beagle point in record time, this is the ship for you, period. It comes loaded with insane internal compartment slots. Asp Explorer An Asp Exploerer stopping by a star for a quick refuel before jumping off to the next system The Asp Explorer is also named after its primary function, and wow does it live up to its name. It has one of the best jump ranges available and the internal compartment slots to fit everything you need to live comfortably out in deep space for as long as you want.

The cockpit is what really sets this ship apart from other options. Especially if you have a VR headset, do yourself a favor and pick up an Asp Explorer today. More on this topic: Elite Dangerous. Bryan left the deep snow fields to travel to far away lands in search of ancient adventure.

When low on health his feline companion provides him with all the healing salves necessary to continue his. Gamer Since: Exploring a nebula A tiny ship in front of a massive nebula. Log in or register to post comments. More Top Stories. Stimulate your gaming life with one of these simulators! Simulation games are those that aim to recreate real-world activities, meaning you can have the job of your dreams or overcome a test of survival without even leaving your desk chair.

They typically fall into one of three main categories Mining is a great way to earn money within the Elite: Dangerous universe. But, you might find it super fun! This guide will hopefully recommend some great ships for you to start earning big bucks through the Get ready for epic space adventure in these games like Elite Dangerous Few games capture the thrill of adventuring through space quite like Elite Dangerous. Originally released for Windows in , this fourth installment of the Elite series enthralled gamers with its massive and persistent open Welcome to my review of the best exploration ships in Elite: Dangerous.

While this list is generally correct in my personal opinion, it is vital for you to realise that all ships can be engineered into an exploration ship. Which games let you get your interstellar travel on and finally realize your fantasy of visiting strange planets and meeting alien races?

Most of the Elite: Dangerous player base has at least dabbled into combat. Astroneer is a stylish game about exploring space and making it your own. One year later, the system was chosen as the final destination of the first Distant Worlds expedition, resulting in an influx of over pilots in April In recognition of these events, Universal Cartographics officially renamed the system Beagle Point on the 26th of May It is one of the most remote discovered star systems in the Milky Way galaxy , at a distance of 65, Light Years from Sol , and reaching it requires a ship with a minimum jump range of 34LY.

As stated above, Beagle Point is located at a stunning distance of 65, light-years away from Sol. Generally, reaching Beagle Point and returning back to the bubble alive is a guaranteed way of getting Elite rank in Exploration. All the exploration data you will have gathered can easily number in the hundreds of millions of credits, if you scanned enough systems on the way. Why Beagle Point? Beagle Point is of early exploration historical importance as it was one of the furthest systems an explorer could reach prior to the Jumponium fuel boost synthesis and Engineer era.

It marked the end of the line for CMDR 'Erimus' Kamzel's Distant Suns Expedition the first recorded galactic crossing - culminating in mid-January , and as such the system subsequently became a popular location to visit for other deep space travellers exploring the far galactic rim in the years that followed.

Elite Dangerous Wiki Explore. Elite Dangerous.

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Starting the 65,000 Light-year Voyage to Beagle Point (Elite Dangerous)

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